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Selasa, 03 Januari 2012
The effect of improved nutrition on body size, morbidity and mortality The gain in weight 2
As was pointed out earlier, the energy that an individual takes in through food consumption will be spent to maintain body temperature and vital organ functions, as wellas for eating, sleeping, and essential hygiene. The remainder is available for discretionary use, such as work and leisure. It was also shown that the additional calories that became available in the wake of the Second Agricultural Revolution were used to engage in more energy-intensive tasks and increase labor force participation. Energy not used is stored, leading to weight gain. As such, the body mass index may be interpreted as a measure of net nutrition, which is defined as the excess of calories ingested over calories claimed for maintenance and discretionary use. Figure 2.1 documents the secular increase in body mass index for white men between 1864 and 1991.
The self-reinforcing cycle of greater body size and higher productivity
2.14
Modern Norwegian males
Union Army veterans
0.88
17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35
BMI
Figure 2.2 Relative mortality risk by BMI among men 50 years of age, Union Army veterans around 1900 and modern Norwegians (from Costa and Steckel, 1997). In the Norwegian data BMI for 79084 men was measured at ages 45–49 and the period of risk was 7 years. BMI of Union Army veterans was measured at ages 45–64 and the observation period was 25 years. Costa and Steckel (1997). Reproduced with kind permission from The University of Chicago Press. © 1997 by the National Bureau of Economic Research.
It has been shown that eliminating chronic hunger will strengthen the body’s defenses against infectious diseases, thus lowering the risk of contracting diseases and premature death. The relationship between weight, as measured by the Body Mass Index, and mortality was established empirically by Hans Waaler (1984) for Norwegian men aged 45–49 and confirmed for a sample of Union Army veterans measured at ages 45–64 and followed for 25 years. Figure 2.2 shows a U-shaped relationship between BMI and the relative risk of death for both samples. Among both modern Norwegians and Union Army veterans the curve is quite at within the range 22–28, with the relative risk of mortality hovering close to 1.0, which represents the average risk of death in the population. However, at BMIs of less than 22 and over 28, the risk of death rises sharply as BMI moves away from its mean value.
The gain in height
A larger and better survival diet allowed adult members of the generation that first witnessed the rise in agricultural efficiency to increase weight, and, consequently, to improve health and extend life. Better nutrition of pregnant women also improved the nutritional status of fetuses and infants. Access to sufficient amounts of calories and other vital nutrients in utero and developmental ages has been shown to affect the off-spring’s final height. Thus, whereas the immediate effect of the improvements in food
Economic and technological development and their relationships to body size and productivity
1.5
1.0
0.5
62 64 66 68 70 72 74 76 78 80
Height (inches)
Figure 2.3
Relative mortality risk among Union Army veterans and among Norwegian males. Author’s
Calculations
Supply was to raise the amount of energy spent at work and to boost body weight, the long-run impact over the course of several generations has been an increase instature. This conclusion is supported by the time series on mean final heights for various European populations, shown in Table 2.2. Waaler (1984) also identified the role of body height as a factor in uencing morbidity and mortality. Figure 2.3 plots the relationship between relative mortality risk and height found among Norwegian men aged 40–59 measured in the 1960s and among Union Army veterans measured at ages 23–49 and at risk between ages 55 and 75. Short men, whether modern Norwegians or nineteenth-century Americans, were much more likely to die early than tall men. Height has also been found to be an important predictor of the relative likelihood that men aged 23–49 would be rejected from the Union Army between 1861 and 1865 because of chronic diseases. Despite significant differences in ethnicity, environmental circumstances, the array and severity of diseases, and time, the functional relationship between height and relative risk are strikingly similar in the two cases. To gauge the relative importance of height and weight for an individual’s risk of mortality, an isomortality surface that relates the risk of death to both height and weight simultaneously is needed. Such a surface, presented in Fig. 2.4, was fitted to Waaler’s data. Transecting the isomortality map are iso-BMI lines that give the locus of BMI between 16 and 34. The heavy line transecting the minimum point of each iso-mortality curve represents the weight that minimizes mortality risk at each height. Since an individual’s height cannot be varied by changes in nutrition after maturity, adults can move to a more desirable BMI only by changing their weight. Therefore, the x-axis is interpreted as a measure of the effect of the current nutritional status of mature males on adult mortality rates. Moreover, since most stunting takes place before age three, the y-axis is interpreted as a measure of the effect of nutritional.
The self-reinforcing cycle of greater body size and higher productivity
Isomortality-risk curves Iso-BMI curves Minimum-risk curve
(0.7–2.2) (16–34)
1.95
1.90
1.85
1.80
1.75
1975
1.70
1.65 1870
1785
1.60
1705
1.55
40 50 60 70 80 90 110 100
Weight (kg)
Figure 2.4
Isomortality curves of relative risk for height and weight among Norwegian males aged 50–64 years, with a plot of the estimated French height and weight at four dates. Author’s calculations.
Deprivation during developmental ages (including in utero) on the risk of mortality at middle and late ages. Superimposed on Fig. 2.4 are rough estimates of heights and weights in France at four dates. In 1705 the French probably achieved equilibrium with their food supply at an average height of about 161 cm and BMI of about 18. Over the next 270 years the food supply expanded fast enough to permit both the height and the weight of adult males to increase. Figure 2.4 shows that the increase in available food per per-son translated mostly into weight gain during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. During the twentieth century the gains in calories per capita served mainly to increase height. Between 1870 and 1975 height increased at more than twice the rate that it did during the previous 165 years. Figure 2.4 implies that although factors associated with height and weight jointly explain about 90% of the estimated decline in French mortality rates over the period between 1785 and c. 1870, they only explain about 50% of the decline in mortality rates during the past century.
Jumat, 08 Juli 2011
Conclusion
The nutrition transition raises immensely important challenges for food policy. This chapter argues that these need to be accompanied by sensitivity to other challenges raised by contemporary globalization.
Table 4.5 Different Food and Health Policy Frameworks: fragmented or systemic solutions?
Fragmented approach Systemic approach
Food policy focus on productionism & Food policy seeks sustainability & citizenship
consumerism
Marketing appeal to individual health Population approach to public health
Reliance on technical fixes Diet-based approach to preventive health
(drugs, functional foods, etc.)
Marginalization of health from supply Health central to economics
chain thinking
Separation of safety and nutrition Policy linkage between safety, nutrition and
sustainable food supply
Intensification Diversification
Health costs externalized Health costs internalized
Poor links between global, regional, Multilevel governance
national and local governance
Competing frameworks within government Integrated policy across government and food
and corporate sector supply chain
There is a strong case for action on food and health. Interventions much cited in the literature, such as the North Karelia experiment in Finland, are often rooted in an era of more interventionist government action. Finland produced a 55% decline in male mortality due to coronary heart disease in the period 1972–92. So even in the con-temporary policy climate, interventions can work. As has been illustrated by Thailand, which engineered a decline in childhood malnutrition from 50% in 1982 to 10% by 1996. The key, according to the Commission on the Nutrition Challenges of the 21st Century (2000) reporting to the UN, is a combination of political will, health planning, and community focus.
The good news is that awareness of health as a central element of development is growing. Pressure to enable the new ecological public health approach is building up. Policy options and the implications of choices are becoming clear, but much more coordinated thinking, research, and health action is needed if enormous changes such as the nutrition transition are to be steered in positive rather than negative directions.
Table 4.5 summarizes some of the policy goals that need to be reviewed and analyzed more clearly and carefully. The case argued here is that unless such issues are included in the discourse about the nutrition transition, there is a danger the transition will be seen as immutable and inevitable. The context presented here reminds us that the nutrition transition is not an isolated phenomenon. Economic, political and cultural transitions accompany, facilitate and frame the nutrition transition. It is an indicator of a wider restructuring of society and lifestyle, part driven by strong forces, part pulled by aspirations, immensely complex.
Now that so much is known about the nutrition transition, the challenge is to widen debate to include what to do about it. There are strong forces who argue that the transition is unimportant, a policy deviation, a side-show in the onward march of social progress, a matter for consumer choice. They argue that it is beyond governance. One strand of modern thinking on governance agrees with this analysis, arguing that the state and public thinking are too diffuse or weak to act on mega-trends such as the nutrition transition. We know better. The history of public health suggests that there have always been such siren voices. Good people, armed with evidence, informed governments like Thailand’s or Finland’s and together with progressive forces in the food supply chain acted with imagination and persistence to improve public health. The nutrition transition is an awesome challenge. It requires new alliances, new political will and new thinking. And since when were public health challenges easy?








